25张载及关学的历史地位、精神境界和人格节操□ 刘学智摘要：张载不仅是关学的创始人，亦是宋代理学的重要开创者和奠基者，他建立了“自孟子以来，未之有也”（冯从吾语）的儒学思想体系，尤以其思想的深邃、博大、精严而成为宋明理学史上第一座高峰。其“四为”的使命意识、“民胞物与”的胸怀和境界以及在他影响下煅铸而成的关学学人特有的人格和气节操守，形成了在整个理学史上颇有特色的学派品格。这些品格在今天仍然对关中人的精神风貌、行为方式和文化性格发生着重要影响。关键词：张载 关学 “四为” 民胞物与 人格节操作者刘学智，陕西师范大学资深教授、博士生导师，中华孔子学会副会长，《关学文库》总主编，贵阳孔学堂签约入驻学者（陕西 西安 710062）。张载及关学的历史地位、精神境界和人格节操关学开派，肇自横渠。北宋时期，在陕西关中形成了一个以张载为核心、以其创立的新儒学为特征的有全国性影响的地域性学术流派，史称关学。张载（1020—1077）一生大部分时间在陕西眉县横渠镇度过，并长期在关中讲学，人称“横渠先生”。其所创立的关学为孔孟儒学在宋代的重建奠定了坚实的理论基础，其因此而成为宋明理学的开创者之一。后人常将张载创立的关学与周敦颐的濂学、二程（程颢、程颐）的洛学以及朱熹的闽学并称为“濂洛关闽”，关学则被视为宋代理学的四大主流之一。一、张载是理学史上的第一座思想高峰 [29]理学产生于北宋，但它是长期以来佛道泛滥背景下儒学复兴运动的产物。钱穆说：“治宋学必始a也就是说，理学所代表的儒学复兴运动及其所表现出的基本思想取于唐，而以昌黎韩氏为之率。”二○一八年第二期向，可以在自韩愈以来的新儒动中找到它的渊源。钱穆又说：“韩氏论学虽疏，然其排释老而返之儒，昌言师道，确立道统，则皆宋儒之所滥觞也。”韩愈虽然没有建立起一个系统深刻的儒学思想体系，但他确立的排释老而返之儒，推崇《孟子》、高扬心性的精神方向，则开宋明理学之先河。韩愈《中国近三百年学术史》（引论），北京：商务印书馆，1997年，第2页。a 钱穆：《中国近三百年学术史》（引论），第2页。b 钱穆：b 总第15期 26地域儒学研究思想的重要特点和贡献，是“反佛”和“崇儒”。不过，其反佛基本上还处于政治伦理以及“夷夏之辨”的层面，而没有达到思想的深层。这一点连他的学生李翱也有微词，如说对佛教“排之者不知其心，虽a。即认为他虽反佛，但却未悟佛教的心性论，自身的理论又无辨而当，不能使其徒无哗而劝来者”法与佛教相抗衡，所以达不到反佛并把人们引向正确方向的目的。其“崇儒”则主要是提出了“道统”论，认为儒家的“先王之教”“仁义之道”有其远较佛教更为久远的传授系统，其目的旨在说明儒学才是中国思想的正宗文脉。“道统”论不失为反佛的一个有力的武器，在理论上也大体勾勒出儒家的核心思想是“仁义之道”，这对恢复儒家传统有重要的价值。但其弊端也显而易见，正如有学者所说，其“有强烈的宗派性和排他性，漠视儒释道三教共弘的事实，甚至也未能公正界定思孟学派之外的儒家b。建立新的足以与佛老相抗衡的思想体系的任务， 落到了宋儒的身上。而在北宋，各派的历史价值”真正接过韩愈“反佛”和“崇儒”之双重任务并对其有实质性推进的，是北宋关学的创始者张载。就反佛来说，张载把佛教与道教捆绑在一起，批译“二氏”都以世界为虚幻或虚无这一共同本质。他以“太虚即气”为其本体论基础，以体用统一为方法，直指佛老的空无之论。他说：“若谓虚能生气，则虚无穷，气有限，体用殊绝，入老氏‘有生于无’自然之论，不识所谓有无混一之常；若谓万象为太虚中所见之物，则物与虚不相资，形自形，性自性，形性、天人不相待而有，陷于浮屠以山河大地为见病之c直接指向佛道二教，但深刻地指出佛老的“体用殊绝”“有无混一”割裂虚与气的体用统一关说。”d，从而否定了世界的真实存在。这就从根本上驳斥了系，于是“略知体虚空为性，不知本天道为用”佛老的虚无世界观。张载从哲学上对佛老进行的批判，为此后理学家确立了基本的理论立场。同时他指出：“万物皆有理，若不知穷理，如梦过一生。释氏便不穷理，皆以为见病所致。庄生尽能明理，反至e此说也为理学“穷理尽性”的认识论和人生修养论奠定了思想基础。 穷极亦以为梦。”就“崇儒”而言，张载经历了一个曲折过程。他先是听从范仲淹之劝读《中庸》，虽然“翻然志于f也就是说，他是道”，但仍不觉满足，“又访诸释老，累年尽究其说，知无所得反而求之《六经》”，曾访诸释老而后归之于儒的。后又与二程“论道学之要”，对儒学更有充分的自信，说：“吾道自足，何gh但张载对儒学不仅仅是“继承”，而是“勇于造道”，他深刻反思了秦汉以来儒学“知人必旁求！”i，没有走以注疏为主的汉唐经学之路，而是主要通过而不知天，求为贤人而不求为圣人”之“大蔽”j的艰苦力学，遂直接向先秦孔孟“内圣外王”的义理之对《易》《论》《孟》《庸》“俯而读，仰而思”学回归。他接受并阐发了秦汉以来易的宇宙论架构、孔子的礼论和以“仁”为核心的伦理思想、《中庸》的“道性”论和孟子“尽心知性知天”的心性论，沿着孔曾思孟的路子以求其“自得”，建立了“以易为kl的“贯性与天道合一”的思想体系。宗，以《中庸》为体，以孔孟为法”《去佛斋论》，沈寿民：《闲道录》（卷三），清雍正刻本。a 李翱：彭池编著：《中国学术流变》（序言），上海：华东师范大学出版社，2003年，第7页。b 冯天瑜、邓建华、《正蒙》，《张载集》，北京：中华书局，1978年，第8页。c 张载：《正蒙》，《张载集》，第8页。d 张载：《张载集》，第320页。e 张载：《关学编》，《冯从吾集》（卷二十一），刘学智、孙学功点校整理，西安：西北大学出版社，2015年，第415页。f 冯从吾：《关学编》，《冯从吾集》（卷二十一），刘学智、孙学功点校整理，第415页。g 冯从吾：《宋元学案》（卷首），全祖望补修，北京：中华书局，1986年，第3页。h 黄宗羲：《康熙五十八年本张子全书序》，《张载集》（附录），第396页。i 朱轼：《横渠先生行状》，《张载集》（附录），第383页。j 吕大临：《康熙五十八年本张子全书序》，《张载集》（附录），第396页。k 朱轼：《正蒙》，《张载集》，第20页。l 张载：活跃于北宋庆历、熙宁时期的“北宋五子”（周敦颐、邵雍、张载、二程），都不同程度地影响了理学的形成和发展。一向被视为理学开山祖的周敦颐，以援道入儒的方式，为理学的形成起了重要的奠基作用。他在《太极图说》中，一改孔子不大讲“性与天道”的倾向，而把道教的宇宙论与儒家心性论结合起来，确立了将“宇宙—伦理”相贯通的“天人合一”思想模式。由周敦颐开出的“合老庄于儒”的天人合一致思趋向，已大致规定了宋明时期思想发展的基本方向。不过，周敦颐的思想受道教的影响较大，其系统的新儒学体系并没有严整地建构起来。邵雍以讲先天象数学著称，他的“先天学”源于道教方士的“先天图”，只是他将其与汉代易学象数体系结合起来，以易的八卦说为基础，以其象数的数量关系推演天地万物，把象数视为最高的法则。他的这套烦琐复杂的象数体系在理学的形成过程中有一定的影响，但并不占主导地位。二程是与张载并时的学人，他们之间交往比较密切，相互之学术切磋也比较多，他们曾在京师相会，“共语道学之要” 。张载与二程在哲学本体论上有所不同，二程主张“理”为最高范畴，张载则以“太虚—气”为最高范畴，对此二者也有过多次思想交锋。张载、二程的思想都深刻地影响了南宋的朱熹，朱熹建构的“理本气末”“即物穷理”“心统性情”“涵养主敬”的理学体系，显然受到张、程的影响，但受二程的影响更大一些，加上师承上的关系，史上常将“程朱”并称，以其为理学的正宗。相较于“北宋五子”中的其他几位，张载的思想体系是严整而深邃的。从一般意义上说，宋明理学的一些基本范畴和重要命题，在张载那里已经提出或显现其端倪；理学心性论的基本理论框架在张载那里已见雏形；张载批判佛老的态度成为理学家的基本理论立场；张载提出的“天地之性”“气质之性”的人性论和“变化气质”的工夫论，“德性之知”“见闻之知”“心统性情”和“立诚”“尽性”的认识论和道德修养论，也多为包括二程、朱熹在内的理学家借鉴、承继和阐发。张载《西铭》所阐发的“民胞物与”的伦理境界，也为宋明诸儒力加推崇。故冯从吾评价张载说：“其学以易为宗，以中庸为体，以礼为的，以孔孟为法，穷神化，一天人，立a可见，他在北宋时所达到的理论高度，不仅孟子以降无本，斥异学，自孟子以来，未之有也。”27张载及关学的历史地位、精神境界和人格节操及之，也把北宋理学推向巅峰。他的思想在宋明理学史上独树一帜，成为理学的真正开创者和奠基者。如果说宋代张载、朱熹和明代的王阳明是理学史上三座高峰，那么张载就是理学史上的第一座高峰。随着张载理学思想学说的日渐成熟，在他的周围逐渐形成了一个有独特风格的学术团体，此即b宋人胡安国说：“关关学。吕公著在向神宗举荐张载时说：“张载学有本原，西方之学者皆宗之。”c清人张伯行也说“其学当时盛传于关中”，中有张载，皆以道德名世，公卿大夫所钦慕而尊师之。”de并出现“当令洙泗风，郁郁满秦川”的盛况，可见关学在张载去世时已成规且“自成一家之言”，模。只是因张载去世过早，其弟子为弘扬道学，有的投奔二程门下，关学曾一度陷于低潮，但到元明后则出现“中兴”，之后直到清末，关学统绪一直未有中断。“关学”绝非一般意义上的“关中之学”，而是指张载以来的关中理学。在史家看来，“关中有横渠出，若河南二程、新安朱子后先崛起，皆以阐圣真、翼道统为己任，然后斯道粲然复明”。此“道”即自先王以迄孔孟以来的儒家道统，此一道统经宋儒周程张朱的阐释，后之关中诸儒，“虽诸君子门户f。所以，从广义上说，关学是指由张载开创及其后一直在关中有同异，造诣有浅深，然皆不诡于道”二○《关学编》，《冯从吾集》（卷二十一），刘学智、孙学功点校整理，第416页。a 冯从吾：《关学编》，《冯从吾集》（卷二十一），刘学智、孙学功点校整理，第415页。b 冯从吾：《宋史》，上海：上海古籍出版社，1986年，第14页。c 脱脱等：《康熙四十七年本张横渠集序》，《张载集》（附录），第394页。d 张伯行：《又哀横渠诗》，《张载集》（附录），第388页。e 司马光：《关学编》，《冯从吾集》（卷二十一），刘学智、孙学功点校整理，第410页。f 冯从吾：一八年第二期 总第15期 28地域儒学研究传衍着的理学的统称；而狭义的关学，则指张载及其后在关中流传的与张载学脉或宗风相承或相通之关中理学。事实表明，关学是一个有本源根基、学脉传承、学术宗旨、风格独特而又开放包容的多元的地域性理学学术流派。二、张载“四为”的使命意识 [32]王夫之说：“张子之学，上承孔孟之志，下救来兹之失，如皎日丽天，无幽不烛，圣人复起，未有a这是对张载思想价值的充分肯定。而这一切的取得，都是建立在他强烈的使命意识能易焉者也。”基础上的。关学在其传衍的过程中，虽然其学术观点或旨趣屡有变化，但其文化精神则前后一贯、一脉相承。赵馥洁先生曾将其概括为“立心立命”的使命意识、“勇于造道”的创新精神、“崇礼贵德”的学术主旨、“经世致用”的求实作风、“崇尚节操”的人格追求、“博取兼容”的治学态度这六个方b而最有特色的则是关学学人的“立心立命”的使命意识和“崇尚节操”的人格追求。面。最能体现张载博大胸怀、精神气象和学术使命的是他著名的“四为”句：“为天地立心，为生民立cd黄百家之所以称其“自任之重如此”，即认为这是张载为自命，为往圣继绝学，为万世开太平。”己确立的重大的历史使命和责任担当，此点尤开显了儒家广阔的胸怀和宏大的气度。“为天地立心”体现了张载宏大的理想、抱负，张载主张一切有社会担当和有责任心的志士仁人，都应顺应宇宙万事万物的规律，自觉肩负起为社会确立精神方向和价值系统的历史使命。在张e是说，天地本无心，但人要为天地立心。这心，就是“天理”之载看来，“天无心，心都在人之心”f 心、仁心。张载说：“大抵言‘天地之心’者，天地之大德曰生，则以生物为本者，乃天地之心也。”故《宋元学案》谓：“人者，天地之心也。仁，人心也。人而不仁，则天地之心不立矣。为天地立心，仁g可见“为天地立心”，既是一个宇宙论的命题，也是一个价值论的命题。张载思想的特点是“天也。”人合一”，从“天人合一”的意义上去理解“为天地立心”，一方面要立“认知心”（明），强调人要充分发挥自己的认识能力，去认识和把握宇宙万物的本质和规律；另一方面要立“道德心”（诚），“天地之心”就是善的天德良知，就是仁心。“为天地立心”，就是要努力为社会建立一套以仁义礼智信、孝悌忠恕等道德伦理为核心的价值系统。“为生民立命”，是张载要为民众提供做人的基本准则、精神方向和价值目标。“生民”指民众。“立命”即“立道”。“立命”一词出自《孟子·尽心上》“存其心，养其性，所以事天也。夭寿不贰，修h强调人要身以俟之，所以立命也”。按照汉赵岐的解释：“修正身心，以待天命，此所以立命之本。”养性事天，修正身心。就是说，张载把引导民众确立正确的生活准则和精神方向作为其奋斗的目标，以便帮助他人安身立命，确立起生命的意义。在这里，张载是要通过自己的努力，给人们寻找一个精神《张子正蒙注》（序论），北京：中华书局，1978年，第3页。a 王夫之：《关学精神论》，西安：西北大学出版社，2015年，第6—18页。b 赵馥洁：《宋元学案》中《横渠学案上》《斛峰书院讲义》所引作此，清朱轼康熙五十八年本《张子全书序》同此。《拾遗·近c 此句史籍所见有异。思录拾遗》、南宋《诸儒鸣道》本所收《横渠语录》、南宋末吴坚刊本《张子语录》则作：“为天地立心，为生民立道，为去圣继绝学，为万世开太平。”元儒真德秀《西山读》中“立命”作“立极”。《宋元学案》（卷十七），全祖望补修，第6页。d 黄宗羲：《经学理窟》，《张载集》，第256页。e 张载：《横渠易说》，《张载集》，第113页。f 张载：《宋元学案》（卷八十五），全祖望补修，第1861页。g 黄宗羲：《孟子注疏》，《十三经注疏》，北京：北京大学出版社，1999年，第351页。h 李学勤主编：的家园，使之有一个安身立命之所。“为生民立命”体现了张载崇高的精神追求。“为往圣继绝学”，“往圣”，指历史上的圣人。“绝学”，指历史上受所谓“异端”思想（主要指“佛老”）或杂学冲击而被中断了的儒家传统。这个传统包括学统和道统。儒家道统相传是由尧、舜、禹、汤、文、武、周公以至孔子一直传承着的“先王之教”“仁义之道”。唐代韩愈曾指出，这个道统自孟子之后受佛教、道教的冲击而中绝了。张载以崇高的使命意识和无畏的担当精神，要在“学绝道丧”之时，承载起传承和弘扬儒家道统和学统的历史使命，通过“立大本、斥异学”，建立起“一天人、合a“为内外”的足以与佛老相抗衡的新儒学体系。故王夫之称赞道：“往圣之传，非张子其孰与归！”29张载及关学的历史地位、精神境界和人格节操往圣继绝学”既体现了张载的学术使命和价值追求，同时也为此后理学的发展指明了精神的方向。张载“立心”“立命”“继绝”的最终目的，在于实现终极的社会理想：“为万世开太平。”“太平”“大同”等观念，是周公、孔子以来的社会理想。即认为只有施“仁政”和“礼治”，才能达到“大道之行”“天下为公”的“太平”“大同”社会。古人认为到了“大同”时代，社会政治清明，人们诚实守信，邻里和谐相处：“选贤与能，讲信修睦。”同时人都能以仁爱之心对待他人：“不独亲其亲，不独子其子，使老有所终，壮有所用，幼有所长，矜寡孤独废疾者，皆有所养。”社会公平，财富均等，社会井然有序：“男有分，女有归，货恶其弃于地也，不必藏于已”；“谋闭而不兴，盗窃乱贼而不作，故外户而不闭”。（《礼记·礼运》）这种理想化的社会状态虽然在古代并不曾有过，但是作为一种理想总能给人树立一种努力向往的目标。张载和孔子一样，非常憧憬“三代”那样的行“仁政”和“礼治”的社会。在他看来，通过实行井田制，以实现“足民”“均平”的社会诉求，天下就会长治久安。所以张载一直以恢复“三代”为自己的政治理想。重要的在于，张载以更宽广深远的视野，把这种理想的社会状态推之于“万世”，以为人类谋求永久太平、安定、祥和的社会为愿景，这种胸襟和气度，是和张载对儒家理想的坚信不疑、对儒家情怀的深切体悟分不开的。总之，张载的“四为”句，反映了士人对民众生活原则、精神价值、生活意义、学统道统传承、政治理想的不懈追求，表达了张载宽广的胸襟与博大的情怀，也彰显了关学学人的文化精神，故一直以来为关学学人和历代士人所尊奉。三、“民胞物与”的胸怀和境界 [34]张载把《正蒙》第十七篇《乾称篇》开头的一段话抄录在西边的窗户上，称《订顽》。程颐将其改为《西铭》，对其备加推崇，甚至将之与《论语》《孟子》等相提并论。程颐称赞说：“《西铭》明理b张载在《西铭》中说：一而分殊，扩前圣所未发，与孟子性善养气之论同功，自孟子后盖未之见。”“乾称父，坤称母；予兹藐焉，乃混然中处。故天地之塞，吾其体；天地之帅，吾其性。民吾同胞，物吾c意思是说，天是我的父亲，地是我的母亲，人都是天地所生，和万物一样生存于天地之间，与也。”在宇宙间其实是很藐小的。人“皆得天地之理以成性，得天地之气以成形，我与民物，其大本乃同出一d。所以，天下的人都是我的同胞兄弟，天地间的人和物都是我的同伴朋友，我们对他人都应该源”二○一八年第二期像对兄弟一样去对待，对万物也应像对人一样去关爱。张载在“万物一体”“天人合一”思想基础上提《张子正蒙注》（序论），第4页。a 王夫之：，《张载集》（附录），第378页。b 《宋史·张载传》《张载集》，第62页。c 张载：《曾国藩家书》，北京：华龄出版社，2002年，第187页。d 曾国藩： 总第15期 30地域儒学研究出的“民吾同胞，物吾与也”的思想，被后世学者概括为“民胞物与”。明代徐渭说：“坐观蚁穿鸟啄a这是将张载上述说法概括为“民胞物与”的较早文献。清曾国藩也说：之惨，竟何民胞物与之仁？”b “后世论求仁者，莫精于张子之‘西铭’。彼其视‘民胞物与’，宏济群伦，皆事天者性分当然之事。”以“民胞物与”为天赋予人的道德本性，并认为这是《西铭》的核心思想。徐、曾二人均将其视为孟子之后论仁求仁的精华思想而加以赞许。“民胞物与”的哲学基础，是儒家“万物一体”“天人合一”的思想。在张载看来，之所以天地是我们的父母，世间民众是我们的兄弟，万物是我们的同伴，就在于包括人在内的宇宙万物，都因气化而有生，同禀气而成性。显然，张载以为万物禀赋的气决定人性和万物之性。这样，从禀赋之气所承载的价值意义上说，所有的人与物都是平等的，都应该共享应有的公平。由此就必须以“民胞物与”的态度，处理人与人、人与物的关系。“民胞物与”包括“民胞”和“物与”两个方面。就“民胞”来说，作为每一生命个体的人，既生于天地间，就必须自觉地“与天地合其德，与日月合其明”（《周易·乾卦》），应该尽自己的伦理责任，履行自己的道德义务，对他人尽忠，对亲人尽孝；同时也要以仁爱的德性，关爱社会上生存状态各异的族群。故张载在《西铭》中说：“尊高年，所以长其长；慈孤弱，所以幼其c强调既要尊长慈幼，还要关爱幼。”“凡天下疲癃残疾、茕独鳏寡，皆吾兄弟之颠连而无告者也。”那些“疲癃残疾”和“茕独鳏寡”的人，把天下残疾孤苦、受苦受难、无处申告的弱势群体，都视为自己的兄弟姐妹。就“物与”来说，就是要以仁爱的德性对待宇宙间的万物，将其视为人类的同伴而平等地予以关照。既如此，就要引物为同类，秉持人与自然共生共存的理念，而不应为了自身的生存无限度地征服自然，甚至以牺牲其他物类的生存为代价。张载把自然万物视为人类同伴的观点，在当前环境污染、生态失衡等严重制约着社会全面、协调、可持续发展的情况下，对于遏制不尊重自然、不注意环境保护而一味向自然索取的做法，对于共同营造和谐宜居的人类家园，无疑具有积极的导向意义。可以看出，张载的“民胞物与”是从“万物一体”“天人合一”的宇宙论出发来论仁求仁的。张载的“民胞物与”在儒家传统中有其深刻的思想渊源。《论语》说“泛爱众，而亲仁”，“四海之内皆兄弟”，《孟子·尽心上》说“亲亲而仁民，仁民而爱物”。孔、孟主张爱众人，把四海之内的人皆视为兄弟；要推己及人，“老吾老以及人之老”；要关爱天地间禽兽草木等物，对其“取之有时，用之d。儒家先贤的这些主张，已蕴涵着张载所说“民胞物与”的理念。《礼记·礼运》所说的“以天有节”下为一家，以中国为一人”“大道之行也，天下为公”的理想社会，也包含着公平、平等和博爱的观念，其所说“人不独亲其亲，不独子其子；使老有所终，壮有所用，幼有所长，矜寡、孤独、废疾者皆有所养”，就是强调要给包括所有弱势群体在内的人们以各自所需要的关爱，这里已有了鲜明的博爱情怀。e，把儒家的仁爱观提升到博爱的高度。到张载提出“民胞物与”，已从宇唐代韩愈说“博爱之谓仁”宙论和价值论相统一的层面，在“万物一体”“天人合一”的意义上讲一体同类，从而把人间大爱传递和扩展到广泛的人际和物类。传统儒家那种建立在血缘基础上的仁爱，也就被深化为以禀气而成性f，王阳为基础的博爱，儒家的仁爱思想被大大地向前推进。二程也说“仁者浑然与天地万物同体”《杂著》，《徐文长文集》（卷三十）明刻本。a 徐渭：《曾国藩家书》，第187页。b 曾国藩：《张载集》（附录），第62页。c 张载：“爱，谓取之有时，用之有节。”（朱熹：《四书章句集注》，北京：中华书局，1983年，第363页）d 朱熹：《韩昌黎文集校注》，马其昶校注，上海：上海古籍出版社，1987年，第13页。e 韩愈：“‘天下非身外也’一句甚好，甚得《西铭》理一及程子‘仁者浑然与天地万物同体’之意。”（清康熙二十年f 《湛甘泉先生文集》卷七：黄楷刻本）a明讲“仁者以天地万物为一体”等，其所包含的博爱思想，都与张载所说“民胞物与”相通。31张载及关学的历史地位、精神境界和人格节操张载的“民胞物与”思想，一直影响着历代中华儿女，成为人们以仁爱之心处理人己关系、人物关系的境界追求和方向指引，是中华民族和谐发展的重要价值理念，更是当今打造人类命运共同体的重要思想渊源。只有坚持“民胞物与”的理念，把乾坤宇宙看作一个共同的家园，视“天下一家”，才能把世界各国人民对美好生活的向往变成现实。正如*所说：“中华民族历来讲求‘天下一家’，主张b可以看出，张载的“民胞民胞物与、协和万邦、天下大同，憧憬‘大道之行，天下为公’的美好世界。”物与”是当今在国际关系中“同心打造人类命运共同体”理念的重要思想资源。 四、关学学人的人格和气节操守 [36]张载开创的关学学脉一直没有中断，关学学风也持续被承传弘扬。较早受学于张载之门者，有蓝田“三吕”（吕大忠、吕大钧、吕大临）以及范育、苏昞、游师雄等，他们中的许多人终身恪守张载的学术宗旨。吕本中说：“伊川先生尝至关中，关中学者皆从之游，致恭尽礼。伊川叹‘洛中学者弗及cd全祖望也曾说：“关学之盛，不下洛学。”张载可考见的弟子除上述外，还有潘拯、薛昌朝、也’。”李复、邵清、田腴、张舜民等，其中吕大钧、吕大临、苏昞、范育等人对关学的形成与发展起了重要的作用。在张载诸弟子身后，关学在师承上虽不像洛学那样有一个绵延久远的授受序列，但张载思想及其关学精神则一直代代承传。元代有杨奂、杨恭懿，萧维斗、同恕等；明代有王恕、王承裕、薛敬之、吕柟、韩邦奇、马理、冯从吾、张舜典等；清代有李二曲、王心敬、王建常、李元春、贺瑞麟、柏景伟、刘古愚、牛兆濂等，牛兆濂可视为传统关学最后一位大儒。从《关学编》及《关学续编》等关学学术史著作e。随着时代的变化，关学的学术旨趣虽有所可知，关学统绪延绵不绝，其“源流初终，条贯秩然耳”f，关学精神，世代相承。变化，但“横渠遗风，将绝复续”关学学人都有一个鲜明的特征，那就是重视礼仪教化，主张身体力行。前者造就了关中文化隆礼重仪的古朴雅韵，后者使关中文化涌动着鲜活的生命力。那种“敦善行而不怠”、坚持真理、不畏权贵，不苟且、不合污的精神节操，“无求生以害仁，有杀身以成仁”的理想信念，“不降其志，不辱其身”的人生信条和“富贵不能淫，贫贱不能移，威武不能屈”的大丈夫人格，一直使儒家的优良传统闪烁着熠熠光芒。这里要特别提及的是，在张载身上所凝结的坚持真理、不畏强权的风骨，刚正不阿、崇尚气节的道德人格和节操，在历代关学学人身上依然鲜明地得以持守和光大。神宗熙宁二年（1069），因时为御史中丞的吕公著的推荐，宋神宗召见了张载，并与他讨论治国之道。他在阐述自己以“三代之治”为目标的政治理想时，强调经济上要调整好分配关系，不要两极分化，还提及对民众的教育等问题。神宗听后非常赞赏，准备委以重任，但他却推辞了，说：“臣自外官g请他参与新政，大概因赴召，未测朝廷新政所安，愿徐观旬月，继有所献。”之后王安石又找到他，《王阳明全集》，吴光等编校，上海：上海古籍出版社，1992年，第25页。a 王守仁：*总在中国党与世界政党高层对话会上的主旨讲话。参见《光明日报》2018年2月23日《兄弟同心，其利断b 2017年12月，金》一文。《童蒙训》（卷上），明刻本。c 吕本中：《吕范诸儒学案序录》，《宋元学案》（卷三十一），全祖望补修，第1095页。d 黄宗羲：《关学编序》，《关学史文献辑校》，王美凤整理编校，西安：西北大学出版社，2015年，第61页。e 王心敬：《关学编》，《关学史文献辑校》，王美凤整理编校，第3页。f 冯从吾：《关学编》，《冯从吾集》（卷二十一），刘学智、孙学功点校整理，第416页。g 冯从吾：二○一八年第二期 总第15期 32地域儒学研究为在改革观念上的分歧，他没有听从。后来，其弟张戬因上书反对王安石变法而贬职，他感到很不安。本来他做官是为了实现自己的政治理想，既然理想难以实现，于是决定退隐，辞官回乡。张载一直强调ab，“气节之士，冒死以有为”，主张“欲身行之，为事业以教天下”。他自己平“大义大节须要知”c，在公道大义面前，他从不畏惧，而于私，则了无所生“于公勇，于私怯，于公道有义，真是无所惧”求。张载诚心为公道和理想而献身，当理想不能实现时，绝不为一官半职而苟且、而阿时附势。这种重大义大节的精神，在此后形成了关学特有的坚持真理、不畏强权的风骨，刚正不阿、崇尚气节的道德人格和节操。并一直影响了历代的关学学人。试举二例：在长安冯从吾（号少墟）生活的明万历、天启年间，朝廷，宦官横行，一些官僚文人往往投靠于他们。冯从吾则保持节操，拒绝与之往来，且不畏强权，敢于仗义执言，被人戏称为“吃生猪肉”者。明神宗朱翊钧中年后沉湎酒色，不理朝政。面对长期潜伏的社会危机，冯从吾不顾个人安危，冒着杀头的危险，在皇太后长秋节之日上书《请修朝政疏》。这份奏疏把矛头直指皇帝，指斥神宗“倦于窈窕之娱而晏眠终日，不然，何朝政废弛至此极也”！规劝他：“勿以天变为不足畏，勿以人言为不足恤，d神宗顿时大怒，勿以目前之晏安为可恃，勿以将来之危乱为可忽！”并直言：“天下之心岂可欺乎！”立即传旨“廷杖”，后由于大臣们出面联保，方幸免于难。然终因他不愿结交权贵，不愿和势力同流合污而被罢官。冯从吾回到西安后闭门谢客，专心致力于著述和讲学。在他的努力下，关中书院应运而生。明熹宗时，宦官魏忠贤专权，大肆东林党人和正直的士人，冯从吾遂受牵连，但他绝不屈服。天启六年（1626），魏忠贤下令毁天下书院，派爪牙到陕西拆毁关中书院，冯从吾痛心疾首，饮恨而死。明末清初的周至李颙（号二曲），学识渊博，闻名海内，连皇帝也非常仰慕他。但他因民族情怀和个人精神追求等原因，终生不仕。康熙十二年（1673），陕西总督鄂善以“一代真儒”向朝廷荐举，二曲以疾固辞。康熙十七年（1678），兵部主政房廷祯又以“大儒宜备顾问”荐举，抚军亦以“博学鸿辞”荐，朝廷催迫紧急，守令至门，敦逼上道，他仍以疾固辞，至此卧病，终不赴。但地方不肯罢休，命人欲强行将二曲从当时寓居地富平用床抬至西安，欲其赴任，二曲遂以绝食抗拒，滴水不入口者五昼夜。地方官见势不可强，只好作罢。康熙四十二年（1703），康熙帝西巡，欲召见他，二曲仍以疾固辞，康熙帝无奈以“高年有疾，不必相强”准许，赐御书“操志高洁”匾额，并制《金山诗》一幅赐之。这充e，诚哉斯言！分彰显出李二曲的铮铮铁骨与气节！王阳明说“关中自古多豪杰”张载创立的关学绵延八百余年，是理学的重要一脉。其思想学说和精神境界不仅在历史上发生了重大的影响，而且在今天的现实生活中仍有着重要的价值，是陕西历史上极其珍贵的精神财富和文化资源。关学的文化精神，不仅在中国历史上影响了一代代关中士人的风格、品行和节操，而且以其在社会生活中的丰厚遗存和深刻影响，仍然在塑造和培育着当代关中人的精神风貌和行为方式，培育着关中乃至陕西人纯朴、质实、耿直、坚韧、诚信的文化性格，也对关中乃至陕西人形成求真务实、勇于担当、恪守正道、博取包容的品格和精神风貌产生着重要影响。（责任编辑：黄 艳 责任校对：陈 真）《经学理窟》，《张载集》，第272页。a 张载：《横渠易说》，《张载集》，第130页。b 张载：《经学理窟》，《张载集》，第292页。c 张载：《关学编》，《冯从吾集》（卷二十一），刘学智、孙学功点校整理，第361—362页。d 冯从吾：《答南元善》，《王阳明全集》，吴光等编校，第211页。e 王阳明：28The Historical Status, Spiritual Realm, and Moral Integrity of Zhang Zai and the Guanzhong SchoolLiu XuezhiAbstract: of Neo-Confucianism in the Song dynasty. He set up a new Confucian theoretical system, Zhang Zai was the founder of the Guanzhong School and one of the pioneers which was honored as the first peak in the history of Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism for its profundity, broadness, and rigorousness: “Since Mencius, there has never been anyone else like Zhang Zai.for intellectuals, his breadth of vision manifested by his proposition that “all people are ” His sense of mission, reflected in the four ontological goals he set my brothers and sisters and all things are my kin,moral integrity fostered by the Guanzhong Confucians under his influence, shaped the ” and the independent personality and distinctive character of the Guanzhong School of Neo-Confucianism. Today, this character has continued to have a signicultural visage of the Guanzhong people. cant impact on the mental outlook, behavioral manners, and Keywords: Zhang Zai, Guanzhong School, four ontological goals, minbao wuyu, moral integrity In the Northern Song dynasty (960–1127), there arose in Guanzhong (central Shaanxi plain) a regional Confucian school, with system as its core. This school is referred to as Zhang Zai 张载 (1020–1077) and his Neo-Confucian of Neo-Confucianism, hereafter Guanxue 关学 (the Guanzhong School of philosophy. Since it laid a solid theoretical foundation for the reconstruction of the t he Guanzhong School for short) in the Chinese history Confucianism developed from the teachings of Confucius and carried forward by Mencius, the school has been regarded as one of the four pillars of Neo-Confucianism formed in the Song dynasty (960–1279), the other three being the Lian School led by Zhou Dunyi (1017–1073), the Luo School by Cheng Hao 1107), and the Min School by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200).程颢 (1032–1085) and Cheng Yi 程颐周敦颐 (1033– Liu Xuezhi is senior professor and doctoral of Chinese Confucian Academy, chief editor of the s upervisor of Shaanxi Normal University. He also serves as vice-president and resident scholar of Guiyang Confucius Academy. E-mail: xzsz1214@126.comLibrary of the Guanzhong School of Neo-Confucianism [关学文库], Z Z G S e First Peak in the History of Neo-Confucianism [Refer to page 25 for Chinese. Similarly hereina er]The emergence of Neo-Confucianism in the Song dynasty was caused by the movement of revitalizing traditional Confucianism in the context of the longstanding and unchecked spread of Buddhism and Daoism. As said by Qian Mu 钱穆 (15–1990), To study the thoughts of the Song dynasty, one must start with the Tang dynasty (618–907), and the most representative Tang scholar is Han Yu spite of his shallow scholarship, Han refuted Buddhism and Daoism and returned to 韩愈 (768–824). . . . In Confucianism. He advocated the Confucian way of teaching and established Confucian orthodoxy (道统). So he was the origin of the Song Neo-Confucianism.1Han’s important scholarly features and contribution lie in his opposing Buddhism and upholding Confucianism. Nevertheless, his opposition to Buddhism is limited only to the level of political ethics and the di erentiation between Chinese and barbarians (夷夏之辨aware that Han fell short of a thorough understanding of the Buddhist theory of human ), failing to penetrate into its essentials. Even his disciple Li Ao 李翱 (772–841) was nature and the mind, and his own theory was not strong enough to challenge the doctrine of Buddhism, so he was inadequate to fulfill the purpose of refuting Buddhism and leading people in the right direction.2a view of Confucian orthodoxy, emphasizing the time-honored traditional system, much When advocating Confucianism, Han put forward older than Buddhism, of teaching the Confucian doctrine of righteousness), by which he aimed to argue for the orthodox status of Confucianism in the ren–yi 仁义 (humanity and Chinese history of thought. His theory of Confucian orthodoxy proved to be a powerful weapon for refuting Buddhism, and at the same time made clear his basic idea that the core thought of Confucianism was its doctrine of humanity and righteousness, which is of much value for restoring the Confucian tradition. However, his negative effect is also obvious, for he showed “strong sectarianism and exclusiveness, neglected the fact of the thriving co-existence of Confucianism, historical value of other Confucian schools than the school of Zisi Buddhism, and Daoism, and even failed to deMencius.”3子思 ne fairly the enough to contend against Buddhism and Daoism had to be fulfilled by the later Song us, the historical task of establishing a new system of Confucianism strong (483–402 BCE) and Confucians, and of them the and championing Confucianism, and to make a substantial advance therein, is Zhang Zai. rst Confucian to take over the dual task of refuting Buddhism common essential point: that they both understood the world as an illusion or nothingness. When opposing Buddhism, Zhang bound it together with Daoism and attacked their His ontological basis was his proposition that (material force) and his method was unifying taixu 太虚 (Supreme Void) was qi 气 which he aimed directly at the Buddhist and the Daoist ti 体 (substance) and theory of nothingness. He said,yong 用 (function), by If it is argued that material force is produced from completely disubstance and the other function, such an argument would fall into the naturalism of Laozi erent in that the void is in nite, while material force is xu 虚 (void), then because the two are nite, the one being who claimed that the eternal principle of the undiyou 有 (being) comes from wu 无 (non-being) and failed to understand that all phenomena are but things perceived in the Supreme Void, then since things and erentiated unity of being and non-being. If it is argued 1 Qian Commercial Press, 1997), 2.Mu 钱穆, A History of Chinese Thought in the Last Three Hundred Years [中国近三百年学术史] (Beijing: 2 See Li Ao vol. 3 (Yongzheng of Qing edition).李翱, “A Treatise on Abolishing B u ddhism” [去佛斋论] , in Shen Shoumin 沈寿民, Records of Idle Talks [闲道录], 3 Feng Tianyu 冯天瑜, Deng Jianhua 邓建华, and Peng Chi 彭池, Historical Developments of Chinese ought [中国学术流变] (Shanghai: East China Normal University, 2003), 7.2930C A V., N. (2018)the void would not be mutually conditioned, since either the physical form of things or theirwould not be interdependent, such an argument would fall into the doctrine of the Buddha nature would be self-contained, and since these, as well as Heaven and humankind, who taught that mountains, rivers, and the whole earth are all subjective illusions.4Zhang claims that they separate void from material force because they are ignorant of us, by repudiating the Buddhist and Daoist fundamental view of the world as nothingness, their substance-function unity. According to him, when “they only know superthe substance of the nature of things is the void, but do not know that function is based cially that on philosophical criticism of Buddhism and Daoism laid a basic foundation for the later Neo-tiandao 天道 (the Way of Heaven),”5 they deny the real existence of the world. His Confucians. Furthermore, he stated, Everything has principle (utmost, he would be dreaming all his life. Buddhists do not investigate principle to the utmost. li 理). If one does not know how to investigate principle to the They consider everything to be the result of subjective illusion. Zhuangzi did understand principle, but when he went to its utmost, he also considered things to be a dream.6principle to the utmost for the full development of nature ( is opinion of his also constitutes the theoretical basis for the epistemology of investigating moral cultivation advocated by Neo-Confucianism. 穷理尽性) and the theory of Zhang’s path had been tortuous. He began by reading the As regards his championing Confucianism, before making an effort to that end, advice of Fan Zhongyan to Buddhism and Daoism and spent years poring over their doctrines only to become 范仲淹 (9–1052), but he felt unsatisDoctrine of the Mean ed, and then he “turned at the aware that he would gain nothing from them. Classics.”i doctrine,” further fortifying his confidence in Confucianism. L ater he discussed with Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi “the essentials of the Confucian us, Zhang returned to the Six Confucian 7took more interest in is not just inheriting it but “bravely constructing a new theory of Actually, what Zhang Confucianism.”8since the Qin (221–206 BCE) and Han (206 BCE–220 CE) dynasties, that is, “knowing He made an in-depth re ection on the major trouble with Confucianism humankind, yet not knowing Heaven, and striving to be the worthy, yet not striving to be the sage.”9who engaged mainly in annotating the Confucian classics, but rather return Therefore, he did not continue the practice of the Han and Tang Confucians to Confucius and Mencius and followed them in pursuit of inner sageliness and outer e d straight kingliness (on the basis of the 内圣外王). By accepting and elaborating the basics of the cosmology developed on Book of Changes since the Qin and Han dynasties, Confucius’s discourse of li 礼 (propriety) and his ethics with ren 仁 (humanity) as the core concept, the doctrine theory of human nature and the mind, he established a new Confucian system highlighting dao 道 (the Way) and nature elucidated in the Doctrine of the Mean, and Mencius’s the fact that “human nature and the Way of Heaven are united in oneness.”10Congwu 冯从吾 (1556–1627) commented on Zhang Zai, he said, When Feng 4 Zhang Zai Zhonghua Book Company, 1978), 8. 张载, “Correcting Youthful Ignorance” [ e English translation follows Chan Wing-tsit, 502, with some alterations.正蒙], in Collected Works of Zhang Zai [张载集] (Beijing: 5 Ibid., trans. Chan, 502, with slight alteration. 6 Ibid., 320, trans. Chan, 517, with slight alteration.7 Feng Congwu [冯从吾集], eds. Liu Xuezhi 冯从吾, Guanzhong Tradition of Neo-Confucianism 刘学智 and Sun Xuegong 孙学功 (Xi’an: Northwest University Press, 2015), 415. [关学编], vol. 21 of Collected Works of Feng Congwu 8 Huang Zongxi Book Company, 1986), 3.黄宗羲, Records of Song and Yuan Scholars [宋元学案], ed. Quan Zuwang 全祖望 (Beijing: Zhonghua 9 Zhu Shi Kangxi’s Reign”朱轼, “Preface for the Edition of [康熙五十八年本张子全书序Complete Works of Zhang Zai], in appendices of Collected Works of Zhang Zai Published in the Fi y-Eighth Year in Emperor , 396.10 Zhang, “Correcting Youthful Ignorance,” 20.Z Z G SIn his study, he took the frame, propriety as his purpose, and Confucius and Mencius as his models, and thereby Book of Changes as his origin, the Doctrine of the Mean as his he strove to inquire into the inscrutable and understand the transformation, unify Heaven and humankind, establish the ultimate foundation, and refute the heretic doctrines. Since Mencius, there has never been anyone else like him.11varying degrees by the Five Masters of the Northern Song, that is, Zhou Dunyi, Shao Yong Historically, the formation and development of Neo-Confucianism were i nfluenced to (1011–1077), Zhang Zai, Cheng Hao, and Cheng Yi. Zhou Dunyi drew on Daoism when he 邵雍 made an efor the emergence of Neo-Confucianism. In his “Explanation of the Great Ultimate Diagram” ort to develop Confucianism and played an important role in laying the foundation [theory and proposed his theoretical model of太极图说], Zhang blended the Daoist cosmology with the Confucian mind and nature as one), which uni tianren heyi 天人合一 (Heaven and humankind Neo-Confucianism to follow. Nonetheless, with his idea considerably under the influence of ed the universe and ethics, thus laying t he basic track for the Song–Ming Daoism, Zhou did not set up a new well-knit system of Confucian doctrine. The source of Shao Yong’s theory of the “earlier heaven sequence” (Fu Xi’s ordering of the trigrams) was the Daoist alchemists’ image-number system of the xiantian diagram (the ancient theory of the eight trigrams, regarded the image-number system as representing the Yijing studi 先天图e s prevalent in the Han dynasty and, on the basis of ). In his theory, he combined the latter with the supreme principle and tried to deduce heaven, earth, and the myriad things from the image-number relationships. In spite of the inthe formation of Neo-Confucianism, it played no dominant role. As contemporaries, the Cheng uence of his tedious image-number based theory on brothers kept close contacts with Zhang, and they exchanged ideas frequently. In the philosophical ontology, the Cheng brothers’ supreme category was principle, while Zhang’s was eld of the Supreme Void and material force. In fact, on this topic, they had numerous debates.is more rigorous and profound. Some basic categories and important propositions of Compared with the other four Northern Song masters, Zhang’s theoretical system Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism were put forth Neo-Confucian theory of mind and nature took shape first in his theory; his criticism of rst by him; the essential framework of the Buddhism and Daoism represented the fundamental Neo-Confucian attitude toward them. His theory of human nature highlighting thephysical nature (epistemology concerning knowledge obtained through moral nature and knowledge of 气质之性), his theory of making e nature of Heaven and Earth ( orts to transform physical nature, his 天地之性) and experience, his moral cultivation theory of establishing sincerity ((were all accepted, drawn on, and explicated further by other Neo-Confucians, including 尽性), and the doctrine that the mind commands human nature and feelings (立诚), fully developing nature 心统性情), the Cheng brothers and Zhu Xi. people are my brothers and sisters and all things are my kin), as proposed in his e ethical realm re ected in minbao wuyu 民胞物与 (all Inscriptionand founder of Neo-Confucianism, Zhang Zai looms large as the [西铭], was also well regarded by the Song–Ming Neo-Confucians. As a pioneer Western unique position in the history of Song–Ming Neo-Confucianism. rst peak and occupies a gathered a group of Confucians who displayed their own scholarly style. “With his new As Zhang’s new Confucian theory entered its mature stage, around him gradually doctrine of Confucianism becoming prevalent in Gu own.”12 At that time, there appeared the spectacular scene that “the wind from the Zhu a nzhong, he formed a school of his 11 Feng, Guanzhong School of Confucian Scholars, 416.12 Zhang Boxing Forty-Seventh Year in Emperor Kangxi’s Reign”张伯行, “Zhang Boxing’s Preface for the Edition of Complete Works of Zhang Zai Published in the Works of Zhang Zai, 394. [张伯行康熙四十七年本张横渠集序], in appendices of Collected 3132C A V., N. (2018)River and the Si River blew all over Qinchuan.”13 at the early age of fifty-seven, some of his disciples went to the Cheng brothers for the However, since Zhang passed away purpose of carrying forward Neo-Confucianism, and consequently the Guanzhong School entered a period of low tide. It was not until the Yuan (1271–1368) and Ming (1368–14) dynasties that it had a resurgence, and from then on till the late Qing (14–1911) dynasty its tradition was never discontinued. Actually, the Guanzhong School is not only a school in the region of Guanzhong. Broadly speaking, it is a generic term referring to the Neo-Confucianism which was founded by Zhang Zai and has been transmitted and pursued in Guanzhong aZai and the Neo-Confucianism spread in Guanzhong after him which inherits or shares er him, while narrowly speaking, it refers to the school founded by Zhang his theories or scholarly style. As the facts show, the Guanzhong School is a regional school of Neo-Confucianism with its own source, inherited tradition, scholarly purpose, and distinctive style, which is open, inclusive, and pluralistic. A Strong Sense of Mission in the Four Ontological Goals [28] As commented by Wang Fuzhi 王夫之 (1619–1692), Master Zhang (i.e., Zhang Zai), in his scholarly pursuit, carried on the doctrine of Confucius and Mencius in ancient times and strove to rectify the failings to come. He was like the brilliant sun shining in the heaven, which lights up every corner in the world. Even if the sages had been resurrected, none of them would have been able to do as he did.14 What Wang says above astrong sense of mission that underlies all that Zhang accomplished in his life. rms fully the ideological value of Zhang Zai’s philosophy. It is his interests have undergone some changes, its cultural spirit has remained unchanged. Zhao In the transmission of the Guanzhong School, though its academic viewpoints or Fujie mission for赵馥洁 summarizes this spirit as having six aspects, that is, the strong sense of build up good life); the innovative passion for proposing new tenets; the academic purpose lixin 立心 (to build up the manifestations of the mind) and liming 立命 (to of adoring propriety and virtue; the pragmatic style for epursuit of moral integrity and personality; the scholarly attitude toward inclusive learning. ective application; the tenacious 15Zhang’s large-mindedness, spiritual mien, and scholarly mission are most typically conveyed in the famous four ontological goals he lays out for an intellectual: “To build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind, to build up a good life for the populace, to restore the pas Huang Baijia t sages’ vanished learning, and to open up eternal peace for the future.”16 and scholarly responsibility Zhang set for himself,黄百家 (13–1709) held that the four goals were the great historical mission 17broad mind and bold vision of Neo-Confucianism. and they particularly manifested the 13 Sima Guang Zhang Zai司马光, “A Second Poem for Mourning Hengqu” [又哀横渠诗], in appendices of Collected Works of Confucius once gave lectures to his disciples, and “Qinchuan” refers loosely to the Shaanxi plains to the north of the , 388. Translator’s note: “the Zhu River and the Si River” implies the place between the two rivers where Qinling Mountains.14 Wang Fuzhi Zhonghua Book Company, 1978), 3.王夫之, “Prologue,” Master Zhang’s Correcting the Youthful Ignorance Annotated [张子正蒙注] (Beijing: 15 Zhao Fujie University Press, 2015), 6–18.赵馥洁, On the Spirit of the Guanzhong School of Neo-Confucianism [关学精神论] (Xi’an: Northwest 16 Zai” on e English translation of the “four ontological goals” citation is based on an English version in the entry “Zhang Wikipedia, with slight alteration.17 Huang, Records of Song and Yuan Scholars, vol. 17, 6.Z Z G SZhang’s grand ideal and aspiration. In his opinion, all people with lo“To build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s mind” gives expression to sense of social responsibility should, complying with the laws underlying the universe and y ideals and a strong the myriad things and aestablishing a spiritual orientation and constructing a system of values for their society. airs, make conscious e orts to shoulder the historical mission of To him, “Heaven does not possess mind, for all mind dwells in the mind of humankind,”18and “when the mind of Heaven and Earth is spoken of, generally, since the great virtue of Heaven and Earth is to produce, to take giving and maintaining life as fundamental is what is meant by the mind of Heaven and Earth.”19[ us, the Records of Song and Yuan Scholars of the human mind. When the human mind falls short of humanity, the mind of Heaven 宋元学案] reads, “Humankind is the mind of Heaven and Earth. Humanity is the attribute and Earth will not be built up. To build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s spirit is what is meant by humanity.”20Earth’s mind,” Zhang’s erefore, “to build up the manifestations of Heaven and and a proposition of axiology. His theory features “Heaven and humankind as one.” In rst ontological goal, represents both a proposition of cosmology such a sense, his meaning is to build the mind of knowing or enlightenment ( rst ontological goal can be understood as implying two meanings. One that humankind should give full play to the ability of knowing, by which to understand and ming 明), which emphasizes grasp the essence and laws of the universe and the myriad things. The other is to pursue the moral mind or sincerity (heavenly morality (is the very mind of humanity, and “to build up the manifestations of Heaven and Earth’s tiande 天德cheng) and intuitive knowledge ( 诚), in that Heaven and Earth’s mind is nothing but the liangzhi 良知) of goodness, which mind” is to make an equalities as humanity, righteousness, propriety, wisdom ( ort to establish for society a set of values with such moral and ethical piety (xiao 孝), fraternal duty (ti 悌), loyalty (zhong 忠), and reciprocity (zhi 智), faithfulness (shu 恕xin) at its core. 信), lial build up life” comes from “To build up a good life for the populace” reMencius 7A:1, which reads, ects Zhang’s lo y spiritual pursuit. “To To preserve one’s mind and nourish one’s nature is the way to serve Heaven. When neither a premature death nor long life causes a man any double-mindedness, but he waits in the cultivation of his personal character for whatever issue, this is the way in which he establishes his Heaven-ordained being.21 According to the explanation given by Zhao Qi conferred by Heaven by cultivating and rectifying the body and mind is the fundamental way 赵岐 (ca. 108–201), “to serve the mandate to build up life.”22and Zhang Zai regarded guiding the populace to establish right living standards good life and realizing the value of life. He intended, by his own es piritual direction as the goal he struggled for, so as to help others in building up their home for the populace and provide them with basic standards of conduct and value objectives. orts, to seek for a spiritual highlights his value pursuit, and meanwhile makes clear the orientation for the development “To restore the past sages’ vanished learning” conveys his scholarly mission and of Neo-Confucianism a(including both the scholarly tradition and Confucian orthodoxy) endangered or even er him. His “vanished learning” re fers to the Confucian tradition interrupted in history by so-called “heretical” doctrines (mainly of Buddhism and Daoism) or miscellaneous schools of learning. Before Mencius, the orthodox order was Yao, Shun, 18 Zhang Zai, Assembled Principles of Classical Learning [经学理窟], in Collected Works of Zhang Zai, 256.19 Zhang Zai, Hengqu’s Explanation of the Book of Changes [横渠易说], in Collected Works of Zhang Zai, 113.20 Huang, Records of Song and Yuan Scholars, vol. 85, 1861.21 e English translations from the Mencius in this article are based on the James Legge’s version, with slight ateration.22 Li Xueqin Classics [十三经注疏李学勤, ed., ] (Beijing: Peking University Press, 1999), 351.Commentaries of Mencius [孟子注疏], in Commentaries and Subcommentaries of the irteen 3334C A V., N. (2018)Yu, Tang of Shang, King Wen of Zhou, King Wu of Zhou, Duke Zhou, and Confucius, and what was transmitted was the doctrine of the ancient kings (humanity and righteousness (先王之教) and the Way of orthodoxy was interrupted due to the impact from Buddhism and Daoism. Fortunately, in 仁义之道). As stated by Han Yu, a er Mencius that Confucian the face of that discontinuity, Zhang Zai ros continue the transmission of the Confucian orthodoxy and scholarly tradition. By “laying e with a strong sense of mission and strove to the great foundation and refuting the heretic doctrines,” he established his new system of Confucian doctrine, featuring “unification of Heaven and humankind and integration of inside and outside,” which was strong enough to contend against Buddhism and Daoism. life, and developing vanished learning, Zhang Zai’s ultimate purpose was to realize the In proposing the goals of building up the manifestations of mind, building up a good utmost social ideal, that is, “to open up eternal peace for the future.” peace (cherished by Duke Zhou, Confucius, and later generations ataiping 太平) and the Great Harmony (datong 大同) represented the social ideal e universal or eternal attained through humanity of government and the rule of rites. As imagined by the ancients, er them, and they could only be in the era of universal harmony, social politics would be pure and just, people would be sincere and trustworthy, neighbors would get along with one another harmoniously, and kindheartedness would prevail everywhere, with social fairness and orderliness and equally shared wealth.23an objective toward which people would make an e Though such an ideal society never existed in ancient times, it could set the restoration of the three ancient dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou as his political ideal ort. As for Zhang, he always regarded and was of the opinion that the empire would enjoy durable peace and order if thesystem ( jingtian with equally shared wealth could be met. More importantly, in a display of his broader and 井田制)ii could be carried out and the social appeal for people’s enjoying prosperity more far-reaching views, he extended an eternal status to that ideal social state, and took seeking a society with durable peace, stability, and harmony for humankind as his aspiration. the Confucian ideal and his deep understanding of the Confucian vision. is is his breadth of mind and lo iness of mien, which is inseparable from his rm belief in pursuit of the living principles, spiritual values, meaning of life, transmission of the In a word, Zhang Zai’s four ontological goals epitomize the intellectuals’ unremitting Confucian orthodoxy and scholarly tradition, and political ideals for the sake of the populace. spirit of the Guanzhong scholars. ey express his large-mindedness and loof the Guanzhong School and intellectuals through the ages. at is why they have been cherished by the Confucians y aspiration and manifest the cultural e Breadth of Vision Re ected in Minbao Wuyu [29]In his Western Inscription, Zhang Zai stated,Heaven is my father and Earth is my mother, and even such a small creature as I intimate place in their midst. nds an and that which directs the universe I consider as my nature. All people are my brothers erefore that which lls the universe I regard as my body and sisters, and all things are my kind.24According to him, we should treat others as our brothers and sisters and love the myriad things as we love other people. wuyu. Zeng Guofan 曾国藩 (1811–1872) considered it as the quintessence of the thoughts is idea of his was summed up by later scholars as minbao 23 “Ritual Usages and eir Origins, Development, and Intention” [礼运], in Book of Rites [礼记]. 24 Zhang, Collected Works of Zhang Zai, 62, trans. Chan, 497, with slight alteration.Z Z G Son humanity and pursuit of humanity since Mencius, and said in praise of it that “none of those discourses on seeking humanity [after Mencius] was comparable with Master Zhang’s relationships, all pertaining to matters within the duties of those who serve Heaven.”Western Inscription, in which he proposed minbao wuyu and expounded human 25things in unity” and “Heaven and humankind as one.” As Zhang sees it, the reason why The philosophical basis of minbao wuyu is the Confucian concepts of “the myriad Heaven and Earth are our father and mother, all other people are our brothers and sisters, and the myriad things are our companions, lies in the fact that all the universe and the myriad things, including humankind, come into being through the transformation of material force, and they share the endowment of material force and then possess their nature. Thus, this material force they are endowed with determines their nature, and in this sense, all human beings and things are equal, so they should share the fairness they all are entitled to. handling the relationships between human beings and between human beings and things. erefore, we must adopt minbao wuyu as our attitude in considering and brothers and sisters) and Zhang’s minbao wuyu consists in the two aspects of minbaoas an individual endowed with life, who is born between Heaven and Earth, must make a wuyu 物与 (all things are my kin). As regards 民胞 (all people are my minbao, a person, conscious ebrightness, with the sun and moon,” ort to attain “harmony, in one’s virtues, with Heaven and Earth and, in one’s 26duties, loyal to others and and to ful ll one’s ethical responsibility and moral in humanity and love, one should care for the social groups of people in different living lial to one’s parents. Meanwhile, in a display of moral character states, particularly the disadvantaged ones. That concern of Zhang is expre Western Inscription as follows:s sed in his Respect the aged—this is the way to treat them as elders should be treated. Show deep love toward the orphaned and the weak—this is the way to treat them as the young should be treated. . . . Even those who are tired, inbrothers or children, wives or husbands, are all my brothers who are in distress and have rm, cripp led, or sick and those who have no no one else to turn to.27When it comes to of human beings and treating them equally with the moral character of humanity and love. wuyu, it means seeing the myriad things in the universe as the companions that humankind and the natural world are in a symbiotic and co-existent relationship should us, all things should be regarded as of the same kind as human beings and the concept be cherished. Human beings should avoid taking from the natural world without limit for their own survival at the cost of the survival of other living things. Nowadays, problems such as the pollution of environments and loss of ecological balance are seriously threatening comprehensive, well-coordinated, and sustainable social development. Toward checking the practice of disrespecting the natural world and neglecting environmental protection, and joining hands to construct a humane and harmonious homeland for humankind, Zhang’s opinion of wuyu is, undoubtedly, of positive guiding signi cance. came up with such ideas as “[a youth] should overflow in love to all and cultivate the Zhang’s minbao wuyu is deeply rooted in the Confucian tradition. e early Confucians friendship of humanity,”28affectionate to his parents, and is lovingly disposed to people generally and kind to “all within the four seas are brothers,”29 “[the Superior Man] is 25 Zhang, Collected Works of Zhang Zai, 62, trans. Chan, 497, with slight alteration.26 “Qian” [乾], in Book of Changes.27 Zhang, appendices of Collected Works of Zhang Zai, 62, trans. Chan, 497, with slight alteration.28 Analects, 1:6. e English translations of the Analects in this paper are based on James Legge’s version, with slight alteration.29 Analects, 12:5.3536C A V., N. (2018)creatures,”30from them at the proper time and use them moderately.” and in regard to the heaven, earth, and myriad things, “humankind should take 31concept of as one family and on all in the central kingdom as one man” and “when the great Way is minbao wuyu. Palpable in “[the ruler being] a sage can look on all under the sky All these ideas imply Zhang’s pursued, a public and common spirit will rule all under heaven,” with which the ideal society is described in thesuch a society as depicted in the same book, Book of Rites, is the concept of fairness, equality, and universal love.32 In Men did not love their parents only, nor treat as children only their own sons. A competent provision was secured for the aged till their death, employment for the able-bodied, and the means of growing up to the young. They showed kindness and compassion to widows, orphans, childless men, and those who were disabled by disease, so that they were all su ciently maintained.33What is emphasized in the above words is to give love to all people, including disadvantaged groups, for they all deserve it, and this emphasis already conveys the appeal for universal love. As Han Yu said, “universal love is called humanity,”34view of humanity to the height of universal love. When Zhang put forth which lifts the Confucian r minbao wuyu, he sense of “the myriad things in unity” and “Heaven and humankind as one,” thus passing on eached the higher level of unifying cosmology and axiology, where he discussed it in the and extending the great love of humankind to more extensive interpersonal relationships and kinds of things. Here the traditional Confucian concept of humanity based on blood relationship was deepened as the concept of universal love on the basis of shared material force and nature. remarkably. When Cheng brothers said “by humanity is meant complete identity with ereby the Confucian ideology of humanity was pushed ahead heaven, earth, and all things”351472–1528) said “by humanity is meant that heaven, earth, and all things are one,” and Wang Yangming 王阳明 (a.k.a. Wang Shouren 王守仁36ideas of universal love are similar to Zhang’s concept of minbao wuyu. their , of Chinese people, and guided them in their pursuit of a humanity-based treatment of the Zhang Zai’s idea of minbao wuyu has exerted a lasting in uence on later generations relationship between human beings and between human beings and things. of signias an important source of the thought that great efforts should be made in international cant value to the harmonious development of the Chinese nation and also serves at concept is relations to build a community with a shared future for humankind. e Independent Personality and Moral Integrity of the Guanzhong School [31]The scholarly tradition of the Guanzhong School inaugurated by Zhang Zai has never been interrupted, and its academic style has been continually carried forward. Of Zhang’s 30 Mencius, 7A: 45.31 Zhi Xi 朱熹, Collected Commen taries on the Four Books [四书章句集注] (Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1983), 363.32 “Ritual Usages and Their Origins, Development, and Intention,” in citation is based on James Legge’s version, with slight alteration.Book of Rites. The English translation of the 33 Ibid.34 Han Yu (Shanghai: Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1987), 13. 韩愈, Collected Works of Han Yu Collated and Annotated [韩昌黎文集校注], ed. Ma Qichang 马其昶35 Cited in Zhan Ruoshui script edition published in the twentieth year of Emperor K 湛若水, Collected Works of Zhan Ruoshuiangxi’s reign). [湛甘泉先生文集], vol. 7 (Huang-styled regular-36 Wang Shouren Shanghai Classics Publishing House, 1992), 25.王守仁, Complete Works of Wang Yangming [王阳明全集], eds. Wu Guang 吴光 et al. (Shanghai: Z Z G Smany disciples, Lü Dajun 吕大钧 (1029–1080), Lü Dalin 吕大临 (1040–1092), Su Bing 苏昞the Guanzhong School. Though the school does not possess a continuous succession of , and Fan Yu 范育 were important contributors to the formation and development of teachings like that of the Luo School, Zhang Zai’s doctrine and the Guanzhong School’s spirit have been transmitted through successive generations. For example, Feng Congwu in the Ming dynasty, Li Yong Qing d 李颙 (1627–1705 of Neo-Confucianism y nasty. As can be known from such intellectual histories as the ) and Niu Zhaolian 牛兆濂 (1867–1937) in the the tradition of the school was always continued, and despite the change in its academic [关学编] and A Sequel of Tradition of Neo-ConfucianismGuanzhong Tradition [关学续编], interests in didiscontinued,” erent times, “what Hengqu le37 and the spirit of the school will be inherited from generation to generation. with us has never been and will never been is, emphasizing propriety and education, and practicing earnestly what they advocated. Historically, scholars of the Guanzhong School showed a distinctive characteristic, that former has fostered the emphasis on ritual in Guanzhong culture with its ancient simplicity e and elegance, and the latter has imbued it with vitality and liveliness. It is worth mentioning particularly that Zhan personality and integrity, have been treasured and carried forward by later generations of g Zai’s courage in adhering to truth and defying power, and his moral the Guanzhong School. head of the Censorate, Emperor Shenzong of Song (1048–1085) summoned Zhang Zai In 1069, on the recommendation of Lü Gongzhu 吕公著 (1018–10), who was the and discussed with him how to rule a country. When stating his political idea of pursuing the model of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties, Zhang emphasized the importance of adjusting economic distribution well and avoiding polarization, as well as such issues as the education of the people. Impressed by Zhang, the emperor oan important post, but Zhang declined, saying “Your Majesty, since I am an o ered to appoint him to the capital, I am not clear about what the imperial court’s new policy is driving at, so let me cial outside observe it for a few months, and then I may know what contribution I can make.”38Wang Anshi A er that, invited him to participate, but he did not accept, probably because he did not agree with 王安石 (1021–1086), the chancellor at that time, who implemented the reform, Wang’s concept of reform. Later, Zhang Jian demoted for opposition to Wang’s reform. 张戬 (1030–1076), his younger brother, was was hardly possible to realize, and he decided to resign and return to his hometown. Zhang us, he was m o re aware that his political ideal vowed that “one must know the cardinal principle of righteousness and political integrity,”39“a man of moral courage should do something righteous even by braving death,” and “[ Superior Man] will strive to practice what he advocates and accomplish what he can impart e to the people.”40moral principle, but asked for nothing for any sel In his life, he was brave for upholding justice and righteous for pursuing sh purpose, so he was truly fearless.41devoted himself to pursuing justice and realizing his ideal, and when he knew his ideal was He impossible to realize, he never muddled along and served time for the sake of any opost. This unswerving adherence to the cardinal principle of righteousness and political cial integrity has shaped the Guanzhong School’s spiritual capacity for sticking to truth and fearing no power and its moral personality and integrity in being upright and outspoken, 37 Wang Xinjing on the History of the Guanzhong School of Neo-Confucianism 王心敬, “Preface of Guanzhon g Tradition of Neo-Confucianism” [关学编序], in Northwest University Press, 2015), 3.[关学史文献辑校], ed. Wang Meifeng Collected Literature 王美凤 (Xi’an: 38 Feng, G uanzhong School of Confucian Scholars, 416.39 Zhang, Assembled Principles of Classical Learning, 272.40 Zhang, Hengqu’s Explanation of the Book of Changes, 130.41 Zhang, Assembled Principles of Classical Learning, 292.3738C A V., N. (2018)and setting store on standing on principles and not yielding to pressure. All of this has in uenced later generations of scholars of the Guanzhong School. Here are two examples.the imperial court was entirely corrupt. During the Wanli (1573–1620) and Tianqi (1621–1627) periods in the Ming dynasty, man display of moral integrity, refused any association with them, and, defying the political y officials and men of letters curried favor with them. However, Feng Congwu, in a e eunuch group seized much of the power and power, dared to speak out from a sense of justice. In his middle age, Emperor Shenzong of Ming (1563–1620) began to stay deep inside the imperial palace and indulged in wine and women, ignoring state asubmitted, at the risk of his own death, a memorial to the emperor, pleading with him airs. Worrying about the long simmering social crisis, Feng to handle state affairs. In the memorial, he condemned the emperor for “getting lost in voluptuousness for whole days and causing a breakdown in administering state aan extreme degree.” He remonstrated with him, saying “Your Majesty should not see the airs to change of heaven as something not to be feared, the complaints of the people as something not worth compassion, the current peace and ease as something lasting, and the danger and turmoil to come as something ignorable.” Furthermore, he questioned bluntly, “can the mind of the people all over the empire be bullied?”42Feng be In a rage, the emperor ordered that that he escaped it. Since he was not obsequious to those in power and refused to associate ogged at court, and it is only thanks to the ministers’ pleading leniency for him with the corrupted forces, he was dismissed from office. After returning to Xi’an, Feng concentrated on writing and lecturing, and thus Guanzhong Academy came into being. When the eunuch Wei Zhongxian down relentlessly on the members of the Donglin Party and the right-minded intellectuals, 魏忠贤 (1568–1627) grabbed the power, he cracked and Feng was involved in the reign of terror. In 1626, Wei had Guanzhong Academy destroyed, and one year later, with bitter hatred, Feng passed away.erudite learning, and was admired even by the reigning emperor at that time. But due to his Li Yong, a Confucian in the late Ming and early Qing, was famous far and wide for his Han Chinese sympathy and spiritual pursuits, he never took any oQing regime during his life. In 1673, Ošan Li to the imperial court and spoke of him highly as a true Confucian paragon, but under the 鄂善 (d. 1679), viceroy of Shaanxi, recommended cial post o ered by the pretext of illness, Li declined the appointment o ered to him. Five years later, Fang Tingzhen 房廷祯as a counselor for the imperial court, but Li declined again under the same pretext. As the , head of the Ministry of War, thought him a great Confucian and recommended him imperial court pressed hard for his appointment, the local oforce from where he lived to Xi’an where the o cial tried to have Li carried by fasting for to accept the o ve days and nights, and when the local o ce designated for him was. Li resisted it by of Qing (1654–1722), on his inspection tour of the western part of his empire, desired to cial post, he could do nothing but give up. In 1703 when Emperor Kangxi cial found it impossible to force him summon Li, he declined once again under the pretext of illness. but to say, “he is advanced in age and now has a disease, so do not force him.” He bestowed e emperor had no choice on Li a horizontal inscription board carrying the four characters and pure inte 操志高洁 (lo y aspiration unyielding character and moral personality. Wang Yangming commented, “Since ancient grity), which he wrote personally. In this event Li fully manifested his rm and times t here has been no lack of heroic gures in Guanzhong.”43 It is true, indeed!has grown as an important Neo-Confucian branch with its own characteristics, and made Over more than eight hundred years, the Guanzhong School founded by Zhang Zai 42 Feng, Guanzhong School of Confucian Scholars, 361–362.43 Wang, “Reply to N a n Yuanshan” [答南元善], in Complete Works of Wang Yangming, 211.Z Z G Ssubstantial contributions to the Chinese nation’s treasure house of wisdom. Zhang’s theoretical system and breadth of vision not only had a signiare of much value to our life today, constituting the precious spiritual wealth and cultural cant impact in history but also resource in the history of Shaanxi. Historically, the culture and spirit of the Guanzhong School shaped the scholarly style, conduct, and integrity of generations of Guanzhong intellectuals. Today, its profound inthe mental outlook and behavior of contemporary Guanzhong people and the Shaanxi uence in social life continues molding and nurturing people more generally, fostering their cultural character of simplicity, plainness, frankness, tenacity, and sincerity, and furthermore playing a contributing role in developing their personalities and spirit of pursuing the truth, abiding by the right principle, daring to act for practical results, and keeping an open mind. Bibliography of Cited TranslationsChan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. University Press, 1963.A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton: Princeton Legge, James, trans. e Analects of Confucius. http://ctext.org/analects, accessed May 8, 2018.——. e Li Ki. http://ctext.org/liji, accessed May 10, 2018.——. e Works of Mencius. http://ctext.org/mengzi, accessed May 8, 2018.Wikipedia, “Zhan g Zai,” accessed May 8, 2018, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zha ng_Zai.Translated by Wang XiaonongTranslator’s note:i e Six Confucian Classics include the Book of Songs, the Book of History, the Book of Changes, the Book of Rites, ii the China’s slave society, with one large square divided into nine small ones (like the Chinese character e Spring and Autumn Annalsjingtian system (井田制) denotes the “nine squares” system of land ownership once implemented in ancient , and the Book of Music.outer ones being allocated to serfs who had to cultivate the central one for the serf owner.井), the eight Wang Xiaonong is professor in the School of Foreign Languages at Ludong University.39
